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Questions 'n' Answers
- What is subliminal advertising?
- What is a secondary image in advertising?
- How common is the use of secondary images?
- Who uses secondary images and 'subliminal' advertising techniques?
- Where can I find more information about the
psychology of visual perception?
- What can I do to resist the influence of
secondary images in advertising?
- How do secondary images work?
- Who is influenced by secondary images in 'subliminal' advertising?
- Are secondary images simply figments
of the imagination?
- Why would advertisers embed images in adverts
if they are not noticed?
- How can I detect secondary images?
- Are there any books on the subject of secondary images in 'subliminal'
advertising?
- What is manipulative advertising?
- What is the difference between 'subliminal' and manipulative advertising?
- Is the use of secondary images in advertising
unethical?
- What is product placement?
- What is the difference between seeing and perception?
- What is the academic definition of subliminal
perception?
- How effective are secondary images in 'subliminal' advertising?
- Where does product placement fit into discussions
of 'subliminal' advertising?
For additional information see the Imagination
and
Psychology pages.

Answers
1. What is subliminal
advertising?
Subliminal advertising is the term
that has been used for the past three or four decades for the type
of advertising illustrated on this site. However, it is an inaccurate
term. Subliminal actually means 'below the level of'. When used in
conjunction with advertising i.e. subliminal advertising, it ought
literally to refer to advertising that is presented below the level
at which the visual, olfactory or auditory senses can detect sensory
input and lead to conscious recognition of the stimuli. To use the
term subliminal to refer to the type of advertising in the books of
Wilson Key and the present web site is therefore misleading - all
of the secondary images/messages in the ads can be perceived and thus
must, by definition, be above the sensory threshold. If the term subliminal is applied to such ads it should really be placed in inverted commas i.e. 'subliminal' advertising.
Numerous other meanings have been
given to the term subliminal over the years e.g. information that is not attended to or overlooked,
information that is unconsciously attended to, etc. But, in essence,
the core meaning is largely associated with the type of advertising
illustrated on this site. For an example of the type of debate that
took place some decades ago see the page that includes some classic
(and misleading) AAAA
and Seagram's ads. They disparage
individuals who criticize advertising agencies and their clients for
producing subliminal ads but hypocritically can be seen to have
used exactly the same techniques
One can, of course, draw a distinction
between ads presented in print and those viewed using electronic media
such as film, video, DVD and CD, or the Internet.
Experiments involving
what might be best considered as truly subliminal messages or images
have almost invariably been carried out using tachistoscopes or, more
recently, computers. In each case these devices present images or
messages very faintly or for a very brief period of time. A simple
example can be found in the banner heading for the pages on this site.
Embedded in the centre of the banner, 'hidden' among the repeated
presentations of the word 'semi', can be found a brief presentation
of the word 'almost'. Although the example on this page is perceptible, tachistocopic
and computer presentations of stimuli can be truly subliminal with the subliminal images presented at levels of illumination well below the limits of visual
perception or for extremely short period of time, again too short
for visual perception to occur.
Ads in print, such as those illustrated
on this site, do not have the same characteristics. The imagery is
visible, although perceived with difficulty, and can be viewed for
a considerable period of time - as long as a viewer wishes to look,
in fact. They are not subliminal images and they are best defined as secondary images** i.e. images designed not to be noticed consciously and embedded within another more prominent image.
[ For a link to a site offering further
information about tachistoscope
usage in research click here When viewing this page note that
the comments regarding subliminal advertising take the 'party line'
and do not reflect 'subliminal' advertising practice. ]
The nature of visual stimuli presented
in printed media and in electronic media is markedly different from
tachistoscope and computer presentations because of the temporal element.
In addition, there are other differences involving context. Experimental
presentations using electronic devices almost invariably use single
images or short messages in one off studies with little bearing on everyday life. In contrast, printed ads present secondary
images within a complex of meaningful
imagery. Because of their complexity and the fact they are often viewed repeatedly, such ads i.e. principle
imagery plus embedded material, are likely to be related to emotions
and meaningful activities even if the secondary image embedded
within the ad is not. Yet
it is conclusions based on simple one-off studies that dominate the
professional literature today rather than examination of actual advertising practice.
Ads on film, TV, and other mass media
can attempt to make use of the same type of presentation techniques
used in subliminal experiments. However, although they can attempt to implement
the techniques, they cannot present truly subliminal images/messages.
This is because each form of electronic media has a built in technical
limitation e.g. the number of frames presented per second. These
prevent the presentation of images dropping below the visual threshold.
This means any attentive viewer can note the insertion of such images even though they may not be able to identify the content on initial viewing.
Recent cases of note include the insertion of frames into a French
presidential political broadcast and various TV commercials. The most
recent report involves the campaigning of one of the U.S.
presidential candidates in Sept., 2000.
The emphasis in the Subliminal World.Org web site
is primarily the type of print ads first discussed by Wilson Key in his books
on the subject. His illustrations and those ads illustrated on this
site all contain images that can be seen - thought sometime with difficulty.
But, so long as the manipulative elements of these ads can be perceived
at more than chance level i.e. 50% of the time, they cannot be considered
truly subliminal. It is more appropriate to call them 'subliminal' ads. More accurately they are adverts containing secondary images. If you wish to be more technical, such images could be defined as marginally perceptible images but subliminal they are not.
Athough 'subliminal' ads contain
images that can be seen, the crucial aspects of the ads are
often difficult to perceive (see below for the difference between
perception and seeing) and thus share many of the characteristics of truly subliminal images. Secondary images on the borderline of perceptual awareness can thus influence viewers without the viewers being consciously aware of this influence.
*Truly subliminal advertising
may actually be in use. But if this is so, only those who produce it will know. Although
unlikely to be in use at present (see below*) it is possible that
the use of truly subliminal advertising may develop in future as technology
develops. NSA, for example, has reported the development of computer
programmes that send computer users subliminal messages to keep them
alert. Other less acceptable goals involving goods and services can
easily be envisaged.
The reason the author thinks it unlikely
that subliminal advertising is widely used by commercial concerns
at present is as follows. Those companies most likely to make use
of any means at their disposal to promote their products, whether
ethical or not, whether in breach of legislation or not, are the major
US and International tobacco companies. They already make assiduous
use of semi-subliminal advertising. If truly subliminal advertising
served their aims equally as well as the use of secondary images in advertising,
or was more effective, then one could bet they would not trouble to
use secondary imagery because of the potential problems
to their image when some researcher, such as the author, raises public
awareness of the issue.
But,
on the other hand, perhaps they make use of both techniques.
Are there any ex-employees or curent
employees of Philip Morris or its reinvention as Altria, R.J.Reynolds, BAT or their advertising
agencies out there who can shed some light on this issue?
**Other terms have been used in other fields of research to help distinguish embedded images from the primary image. However, having considered the matter for a number of years when attempting to convey the essence of what is involved, the term secondary image seems most appropriate as this term clearly distinguishes and embedded image from the principal content of an advert or work of art i.e. the primary image.


2. What is a secondary image in
advertising?
'Subliminal' advertising is the
most easily remembered term that can be applied to the type of advertising
that has previously and erroneously been labelled as subliminal advertising.
See the Answer to question number one (above) for a more extensive
answer.
In short, the manipulative elements in such advertising
can be perceived though sometimes with some difficulty. By definition,
one should not be able to perceive subliminal messages. The only exception
would be when images are barely perceptible and presented at the borderline
of perceptual ability. One might then expect to perceive such messages
50% of the time (but again with difficulty).
Thus, the ads discussed on this site
are 'subliminal' and not subliminal in nature, they consist of a primary image and embedded within them are one or more secondary images that are often difficult to perceive.*
*Note that images that can be perceived in print often do not transfer to computer monitor screens. Viewers are therefore advised to look for examples of the ads presented on this site in print form. As the site is updated the sources for as many of the examples as possible will be provided.


3. How common is the use of secondary images?
This is a difficult question to give an answer
to. No-one has ever carried out a systematic study of such
advertising. To produce an accurate figure would require
studying a vast amount of advertising over a set period of time, perhaps a year. Even reducing the amount of work by selecting best selling magazines would still create difficulties
due to the variability in the ability of individuals to recognize
secondary imagery. Observers would need to be trained
to adhere to rigid and consistent standards with a high level of agreement
between observers. This is difficult to achieve but not
impossible. Additionally, very few individuals have taken the trouble to catalogue
examples of such ads. This site, and that at poleshift.org
are the only ones that the author is aware of, that offer a range
of examples.
Wilson Key and various other American observers
at one time claimed widespread use of such advertising (remember, they
called it subliminal advertising). However these are simply
subjective judgements that are most likely wrong, since they draw
upon experiences that have been strongly influenced by attempts to
recognise secondary images in advertising. Such attempts can easily produce examples of pareidolia i.e. identifying some vague stimulus as a meaningful object. The author is no exception to this rule and an example is noted on the ***** page.
To help overcome such problems, the author's work involved
collecting back issues of a substantial number of popular magazines covering a period of ten years.
Examination of full page ads and double page spreads would seem to
indicate that only a relatively small percentage of such ads in the
UK contain secondary images or messages. At best (or worst,
depending upon one's viewpoint), only one or two such ads can be found
per hundred - and this is probably an overestimate.
However, with adverts for products such as cigarettes and alcoholic
drinks, toiletries and certain other types of goods, secondary imagery is much more common. With some products one in
two ads contain secondary imagery/messages and with certain
cigarette brands perhaps every single ad over a period of years contained
some secondary image or message.
The products associated with the greatest
use of secondary imagery tend to share one key characteristic.
They can usually only be distinguished one from the other by brand
names. The products, in other words, contain essentially the same
ingredients and fulfil the same functions. The use of secondary images is simply one of the techniques some advertising agencies seem willing to use
in attempts to differentiate these otherwise indistinguishable and
often inessential products.
The ads illustrated on this site have been
selected to provide variety and interest. They thus draw upon a wide
range of subjects rather than represent the distribution of usage
of secondary images. Focusing on specific product ranges requires the type of analysis
in detail and commentary that is best presented in book form.
The author has a number of books in preparation and interested viewers
will find additional information on the page Sexy,
Subliminal and Deadly?: The Psychology of Manipulative Advertising
when it is published.


4. Who uses secondary images and 'subliminal' advertising
techniques?
At one time or another many agencies and companies
have made use of 'subliminal' techniques. However,
it is notable that the most consistent use - and presumably also the
most effective use - is associated with large, multinational, companies
and corporations. They use the techniques to promote products that
are either addictive, inessential and/or indistinguishable from those
of their competitors, except in terms of branding and advertising.
This pattern of use would seem to indicate
two possibilities, neither of which is incompatible with the other.
Either it is costly to make use of 'subliminal' techniques or,
if they are to be effective, such ads must be used consistently over
long periods of time. Given that it is now relatively
easy to produce secondary imagery using computer graphics it
would seem as though the second factor is most important. It thus
seems reasonable to conclude that 'subliminal' techniques prove
cost effective to the companies concerned.
However, consumers can sleep easily in their
beds. In the short term the use of secondary images will never suffice to persuade or
influence them to purchase goods, except possibly as a factor influencing
impulse decision making when no particular preference exists.
Taking a long term view, it would seem as though, in most circumstances,
such techniques may provide the additional 'grain of sand'
that could tip the balance when consumers are uncertain about which
of two products to choose.
However, where young children are concerned,
exposure to ads containing secondary images may also be a factor
that reinforces peer group pressure where heavily advertised products
are concerned.
Viewers should consider such issues after
viewing the various ads illustrated on these pages, those concerning
cigarette ads in particular. They should then consider whether they
wish to take any action such as complaints to the ASA, IPA, AAAA or
other bodies or asking their elected representatives to address the
matter.


5. Where can I find more information
about the psychology of visual perception and cognitive decision making?
To underpin an understanding of secondary imagery
as used in advertising and art requires an understanding of psychological
processes. The most important are those concerning perception but
other areas of research including attention, memory, emotions and
attributions are also relevant. Virtually any standard psychology
textbook will contain basic introductory information on visual perception,
and cognitive decision making. Attitudes and attributions are addressed
in Social Psychology textbooks whilst emotions tend to be addressed
by psychologists from a number of specialisms. The section of the Bibliography devoted to psychology lists
a selection of recent titles in these subjects. The
Psychology pages offer examples of visual illusions and other
topics relevant to an apprectiation of semi-subliminal advertising.
Very few of the psychology textbooks and other books
listed in the bibliography focus specifically on imagery in advertising.
Conversely, books devoted to Consumer Behaviour (Consumer Behavior,
if you are American) and/or Advertising contain very little information
on the subject of visual perception and cognitive psychology.
As a result, when authors from either discipline refer to the subject
of Subliminal Advertising they
mostly regurgitate simplistic if not erroneous statements on the topic.
Some of these are discussed on the page devoted to The
Experts.
To obtain the type of information that focuses on
the interface between visual perception and advertising one needs
to read a number of reasonably specialized books. The Bibliography ultimately will be useful to help the
non-specialist viewer identify books of interest as they are organized
by topic and annotations will be added at a later date.


6. What can I do to resist the influence
of secondary images in advertising?
There is nothing quite like education to insulate one from
attempts at persuasion. Even if you cannot resist the influence
of the ads you can at least argue against the use of the technique
and avoid using the products of the companies who use it.
Inform yourself about the types of techniques used, the
types of products that are advertised using secondary images and related manipulative techniques and
the companies who use such unethical techniques.
In order to root out
the use of secondary images and other unethical and manipulative advertising practices,
one can raise these issues with the companies concerned. One can also
encourage advertising associations to enforce their guidelines on
ethical advertising more rigorously. And, of course, one can obtain
the assistance of political representatives in putting pressure on
those who initiate and make use of such techniques in advertising.
The page devoted to Links
to other sites provides some links to associated Web Sites and
organizations.


7. How do secondary images
work? And are they effective?
The author has to confess this, at present, is an unanswerable
question. Whilst one can identify numerous examples of
ads containing secondary images, as these Web Pages demonstrate, there
is no evidence in the public domain to indicate that such advertising
is effective (but see the end of this section and the answer to Question
20).
At best, one can extrapolate from psychological experiments into subliminal perception i.e. experiments involving communications below the level at which stimuli can be perceived.
The debates about what is and what is not subliminal highlight the fact that 'subliminal' material around
the borderline of visual perceptual ability i.e. images and messages
that do not qualify as truly subliminal, are sometimes be perceived or noticed. Such 'flawed' experimental stimuli thus share the characteristics of secondary images embedded in advertising images i.e. they are not normally noticed and they can influence judgements.
Subliminal communications can influence
thoughts, dreams, written reports, experimental responses and test
results, etc. However, no experiment, as yet, has
demonstrated any change in behaviour. Experiments involving subliminal communications and advertising
also seem to indicate that such ads prime generic thought processes
and drives e.g. subliminal communications related to a specific soft drink would
prime the need to drink rather than a preference for any specific
branded product.
Such results may therefore indicate there is a two
stage process at work. First, drive related behaviour is primed by
exposure to subliminal communications. Secondly, once a desire for
a drink or some other product is primed, a specific brand needs to
be selected. This selection would most likely be made on the basis of exposure
to promotional activities in general and other preferences.
If this
two stage processes did operate, it would be the second of these two
processes that was relied upon by commercial users of 'subliminal'
imagery. The use of secondary imagery would not,
in itself, produce a preference for a specific product but could arouse or influence viewers to act upon existing preferences.
However, one needs to appreciate there are other factors that need to be considered when extrapolating from experimental conclusions. Firstly, there are undoubtedly
a number of reasons why short term experiments do not
influence behaviour. Advertising in general, of course,
hardly ever brings about instant changes in behaviour so one should not be placated by reports from the advertising profession that 'even if subliminal advertising exists it does not work.' Non one, at least outside the advertising profession, has yet carried out a long term study to determine whether or not this is the case.
Sutherland's
book on Advertising likens advertising to the influence of a feather. Like a feather dropping
on your head, each ad has no specific influence. But, cumulatively,
the hundreds if not thousands of ads you are exposed to every day, 'add up' to justify the existence of a multi billion dollar industry
- and, of course, a ton of feathers weighs as much as a ton of steel.
This 'additive process' may underpin a case for presuming
that secondary images in ads are influential. Each
secondary image may only have a minor influence on a viewers judgements. But, over time, the
(unconscious) associations that are formed between the meanings associated with secondary images and ideas associated with specific products will, like all learning, accumulate.
Ultimately they may influence choices regarding products
or electoral choices without the person making the decisions aware of how the secondary images influenced their decision making.
Experiments conducted by psychologists throw no light on
this long term process as most experiments are 'one-off' studies,
at a specific point in time. Evidence concerning the effectiveness
of secondary imagery and how it 'works' is undoubtedly only
to be found within the records of the companies who have used (and
presumably evaluated) such techniques over a period of time.
Exemplars of the companies who might hold the type of information
that would allow consumers insight into whether or not secondary images work are the tobacco companies. They have used such techniques
more assiduously and over a longer period of time than any other companies
noted by the author. Ask Philip Morris Inc./Altria or R.J.Reynolds!
If any single person exists who could answer the question
'How does 'subliminal' advertising work' then they are to be found
among the employees of these two companies and their advertising agencies.
Since this web page was first written additional research has
been carried out by the author and a number of collaborators. One
undergraduate student carried out a study with the secondary images embedded in some Marlboro ads. His study showed there was a preference
for ads with 'subliminal' elements. More recently the author and a colleague
carried out a more complex study comparing responses to extracts of
the 'subliminal' features of ads. This study compared images with
and without secondary elements but also included a control condition
in the study to assess the influence of simple change i.e. alteration
of a non 'subliminal' aspect of the primary image. The study thus had three
conditions. A) Extracts from ads containing secondary images.
B) The same extracts with the secondary images altered. C)
The same extracts with a 'neutral' section, comparable in size and
colouration to the secondary image, altered. This experimental arrangement
allows one to conclude whether or not change alone brings about different
judgments or whether it is the influence of the secondary image that is influential.
The results of our experiment showed that subjects responded similarly to the
two sets of images containing secondary images i.e. varatiations
A and B. Both sets A and B were judged differently from the extracts
in condition C, the set where a neutral area of the ad had been modified.
Given that such ads are highly unlikely to have been produced
to trigger negative reactions to the products involved, it seems reasonable
to conclude that secondary images are incorporated into ads in order to influence consumers
in a manner leading to additional consumption (or interest in the
product). The extent to which this is possible has yet to be determined.
Similarly, it is still necessary to determine which type of person
responds to secondary imagery and the nature of the embedded elements
they respond to.
Given the unexpected ease with which the author and
his colleagues carried out this study using real and not simulated
ads one can bet ones bottom dollar that such information, and much
more, is stored away in the vaults of the tobacco companies and their
advertising agencies. [ See the answer to Question 20 for additional informati.]


8. Who is influenced by secondary images in 'subliminal'
advertising?
Given the very limited amount of research that has a direct
bearing on the effectiveness of secondary images in advertising it is
impossible to say who, if anyone, is influenced by it. However,
by extrapolating from research focusing on conditioning, advertising,
visual perception - including subliminal perception - it would seem
that the vast majority of individuals are susceptible to some degree.
There is also a possibility that young males are more susceptible
than other groups.
This does not mean that anyone will immediately respond to
a specific secondary image in an ad and rush to buy the goods
or service being advertised. Acknowledging that we are
all influenced by secondary imagery is simply another way of
stating that we will 'take on board' any information conveyed by a secondary image
if we are not visually impaired. This occurs in the same manner that
we perceive any other visual aspect of the surrounding world.
We then 'draw conclusions' on the basis of whatever we have perceived,
preconsciously and consciously, and relate this to what we already know.
If we respond in accord with the desires of the ad agency
and its client, our response will not simply be on the basis of the information conveyed by the
secondary image in their ads. Any behaviour will be the
result of all that we know about the product and the various values,
associations, implications, and opinions associated with the product
and its use. This array of knowledge will most likely have accumulated
over the years and it is unlikely to be changed by any specific embedded
element in an ad; this is regardless of how powerful or emotive the secondary imagery might have been if presented at a level where conscious attention
could be paid to it.
The most pertinent research would seem to indicate that if
mental associations are to be formed between secondary images in ads
and a product then viewers have to be partially aware of the embedded
imagery - but not to such an extent that they will reflect on the content. This evidence, from studies in conditioning,
would indicate that less than 1% of those who view such ads
perceive embedded message or images. Even when they
perceive the embedded message, it is likely this aspect of the ad
only attracts a minimal amount of attention. It will thus quickly
be driven from consciousness by more salient information.
Although quickly forgotten, the important point to note is that the
information conveyed in these studies will not have been rejected and forgotten. Like
any other sensory input, whether visual, auditory, tactile, or whatever,
that information, once stored in memory, may ultimately become a factor
in decision making.
With less than one percent of an audience perceiving an association,
it would seem that a much smaller proportion of individuals will be
influenced in making purchasing decisions. However, to extrapolate to the use of secondary images in ads, it
is noteworthy that the most assiduous users
are large, multinational, corporations. They have been making
use of these techniques for many years. Even though any influence is weak, the constant drip, drip,
drip of secondary imagery in their ads may have had and continue to have a cumulative
effect on susceptible individuals, especially younger individuals
who are less set in their ways of thinking.
With alcohol and tobacco products there is also some evidence
to indicate that those who are most responsive to this type of advertising
are young, extrovert, males. These are the types of individuals who
constitute a major segment of the market for these products. Extrapolating
from this data one can readily imagine that long term advertising
strategies using secondary advertising may pay dividends for the companies involved.
The secondary images in ads, even if they are not consciously
perceived, may help in forming strong - but irrational - mental bonds
between emotions and specific products, if not brands. There
may also be dividends for large companies in using secondary imagery to trigger particular emotional responses if these responses
are related to consumption. Again, tobacco and alcoholic drinks
provide the ideal products for such a strategy as consumption of these
products is often associated with attempts to manage emotional states.
In conclusion, everyone is potentially susceptible to information
presented using secondary imagery. Some individuals are undoubtedly
more susceptible than others. With any specific ad, regardless
of the extent of embedded imagery, there is little for anyone to be
worried about. But this may not be the case when ads have consistently
used secondary images to convey messages for many years.
Some consumers may be responding to the beat of the
ad agencies muted drums under the illusion they are making a
free choice. Others may be thoroughly confused if they have
internalised messages running counter to
common sense and rational decision making: the most extreme examples are likely to be associating a product with sex or anxiety when the product in question is unrelated to either topic. Such individuals may feel little control over the external world if
their moods are regularly influenced by the content
of ads rather than consciously appraised aspects of their environment.


9. Are secondary images simply
figments of the imagination?
They might be in some circumstances where secondary images are due to the action of the imagination but in general the answer
to this question has to be a definite NO. An illustrated set
of comments can be found on the pages associated with the Index
of psychology pages
Only psychotic individuals are likely to consistently
perceive something that does not exist. Individuals capable of strongly
projecting their ideas may also perceive images that do not
exist. But, in the majority of cases, the author is convinced that perceiving
secondary images in ads relies upon perceiving cues that do
exist in the real world; they are not figments of the imagination.However, ads containing secondary images with features that are presented in such a way that they are very close to the borderline
of perceptual ability will produce ambiguous and ambivalent
judgements. In such circumstances imagination and expectations may play a larger role
than normal and lead to initial conclusions that do not reflect what
is ultimately consciously perceived.
The illustration on the left is intended to demonstrate that
we can see that which does not exist - if the appropriate visual cues are presented.
The 'bright triangle' that is 'seen' in the centre of this illustration
does not, in fact, exist. As any photographic light meter will indicate, the colouring of this 'brighter' triangle
is idential to what is 'seen' as the background. The appearance of differential
brightness is 'constructed' by the visual and perceptual system on
the basis of visual input and the application of existing knowledge
of how the world 'looks'. In this instance, objects that are closer generally appear
brighter. In other words, we see what we expect; believing is seeing rather than seeing is believing.
Artists and advertising personnel know only too well that
presenting appropriate cues can lead people to 'see' what is only
suggested. Technically one should refer to perception rather than
seeing: seeing is the function of the eyes, perception is the outcome
after what is seen is integrated with what is known, anticipated or
expected. The resulting percept is thus more than the initial stimuli
that impinges on the eyes.
Manipulative advertising therefore has
the potential to be influential even if there is nothing to be 'seen'. Information can be
provided using secondary imagery that is not consciously noticed but nevertheless is processed by the visual system.


10. Why should advertisers embed
images in adverts if they are not noticed?
The average layperson without any knowledge of psychology
reasonably assumes that their responses only occur when information
is noticed. Whilst this assumption is largely true when
we are paying conscious attention to the world around us, it does
not hold when we are not paying conscious attention.
A few simple examples make this clear. Everyone,
car drivers in particular, can recall periods when they have travelled
considerable distances from A to B and yet cannot recall the period
in between. Using unconscious, automatic, decision making in response to environmental
cues pedestrians and drivers function quite effectively; but they often have no conscious
awareness of what occurred or what controlled their behaviour.
Effectively, in such circumstances, we have been operating on 'autopilot'; more appropriately, we have been indulging in habitual forms of behaviour that require no conscious thought.
When we speak, we also normally do not have control over
the grammatical structure of our statements. If
we attempted to maintain conscious control over our speech it would
be very slow and halting. Instead we rely on automatic,
over learned, mental processes to 'make' the decisions for us.
These decisions occur unconsciously but they are nevertheless crucial
to how we function.
In both these examples it is obvious that psychological processes
can function independently of conscious attention. Similar processes
occur when we view a scene or an advert. We may 'take in' a
scene or an ad holistically, judging what is important and what is
not important almost instantaneously. However, the details of the
scene are not subject to conscious recall.
Ads for example are only viewed for a brief period of time,
usually less than a second. This is about the same amount
of time we spend looking at a scene just before crossing a quiet road.
In neither case do we stop to appraise every individual element of
the scene. We simply glance up and down the road, assess the scene as a whole, and
respond appropriately - and usually sensibly. It only requires
this one glance and we 'know' that there is no danger.
Nevertheless we will be hard pressed to tell the colours of the cars
parked by the kerbside, the number of individuals walking down the
sidewalk, whether the traffic lights were on green, and so on.
When there are secondary images embedded in ads they are mentally
assessed in the same manner as any other aspect of the overall ad.
However, the automatic judgmental processes that take place lead us
to focus conscious attention on the primary meaning of the ad, if the ad seems sufficiently interesting to justify more than a fleeting glance. All other aspects of the
ad have seemingly been ignored.
Experimental
studies by psychologists indicate that what happens is much more complex
than appears to be the case.
Even although we may only recall a small proportion of
the information contained in a picture or ad, at the moment we first
look at the scene all of the information is seemingly equally available
for access i.e. any aspect of a scene can be recalled if the appropriate
questions are asked. In other words everything about the scene has
been processed by the brain. Simply because it does not reach consciousness
does not mean it has not been analysed and stored in memory.
For more information on this process see the relevant section of the
pages devoted to Imagination and Psychology.
A typical example of this process in action can be noted
in the Palmolive shower gel ad below.
Normally one would simply give this ad
a passing glance. Dozens of my students have looked at this
and another similar ad for the same product. Their assumption
is that the ad on the left presents the image of a woman within the
context of a lava walled shower room. On the wall of the shower
is a small recess containing Palmolive shower gel. The
reason they reach this conclusion is because attention is focused
on the ad overall and the colourful representations of Palmolive soap.
Relatively few individuals, even after they have begun to
pay conscious attention to the ad, notice that the arm in the forefront
of the ad is most likely that of a man, rather than the arm of a woman; there are two people in this shower.
Including such a features in an ad is pointless if no-one
is influenced by it. So why should they be there?
Consider
what ideas could be triggered by such a combination of images: a man
and a woman in a shower scene. These ideas could range from
comfort and reassurance if these qualities are associated with a
strong arm 'surrounding' oneself, through sexual ideas arising from
the male/female combination, to the extreme (and undesirable from
the producers viewpoint) of 'slasher' movies. The latter might conceivably
be triggered in circumstances where a viewer had recently seen the
shower scene in Hitchcock's Psycho or the recent remake.
Each set of associations triggered by the elements in the
ad are unique to the individual viewer. However, there are sufficient
common elements to justify an ad agency incorporating this type of
ambiguous imagery in an ad (note it is not subliminal, nor is it embedded in such a manner that it is difficult to detect). If the ambiguous feature influences some individuals,
and the ad is produced on a cost effective basis, then it makes commercial
sense for the makers of Palmolive.
If such ads are evaluated by the agencies responsible, and
the results of such evaluations provide the justification for such
ads, then it would seem that unconscious decision making, or to be
more accurate, preconscious decision making, may respond to this male/female
combination. The fact that it is an unlikely combination, given that
there are no other cues relating to a man in the ad, will not attract
sufficient attention to lead to conscious appreciation of the more
complex message. What will be consciously appreciated will be the
simpler, common-sense, message; there is a woman in a shower; the 'incomplete'
male would be 'overlooked'. But, given the masculine characteristics of the arm, the 'male' has to be 'rejected' as a source of information by some unconscious process. If this occurs with images that can be easily perceived it is much easier to appreciate that secondary imagery on the borderline of visual perception will also be consciously overlooked.
Presumably combining such elements in
ads helps provide the product with an aura of sexiness, comfort
and reassurance depending upon the personal knowledge and preferences of viewers. These will supplement any common sense claims regarding personal
cleanliness, the avoidance of socially unacceptable bodily odours,
etc.
In essence, it seems to be deemed essential for ambiguous and secondary images
to be noticed if they are to have some influence. But the amount of attention devoted to these aspects of adverts is minimal and insufficient to raise them into consciousness. If such images were noticed and reflected upon there may be a backlash because of an associated
awareness of the manipulative intent of the advertiser and knowledge
of their failure to adhere to ethical advertising standards.


11. How can I detect secondary
images?
Practice. Practice. Practice. And self reflection
upon the outcome of ones activities in observing and analysing ads.
There is no easy answer to this question. It also has to
be acknowledged that some individuals will have difficulty noting
the existence of secondary images. Some individuals may also vociferously
deny that such ads exist; there are some individuals who can never
'see' the alternative interpretations that can be placed on visual illusions offering two different
interpretations. Psychology textbooks and books on visual perception, visual
illusions and mind games usually offer a number of interesting,
classic, examples of visual illusions. And the page devoted
to ads from the archives focusses on Jack
Haberstroh and his approach to a classic 'subliminal' ad. An example is illustrated below using an illustration of a 20p UK postage
stamp. Others can be found on the Psychology
page.
Note that there are two ways of 'seeing' the central
aspect of this stamp. The primary
image on this stamp is the image of a cow set against a background of a field, trees and clouds. Superimposed
on the cow is a secondary image: instead of the usual randomly distributed black and white
colouring there is the outline of a doctor giving an injection to a young
child.
With normal vision it is not possible to perceive
both images at the same time; it requires conscious effort to change
the focus of attention from one to the other of these images. One
either perceives the cow or the embedded figures, not both.
If one has the mental facility to 'extract' images from their
background and perceive these as meaningful entities, as with the
cow and doctor example, then there are various sources of useful examples
of secondary images in ads. The present web site and
the books of Wilson Key provide a reasonable number of examples. Viewing these examples should offer
insight into the techniques in use. If you start
with a collection of ads for the same product, rather than a specific
ad, this is a useful bonus. One can often identify similarities
or themes running across a number of ads, even although they may be
difficult to identify when one is 'caught up' in making sense of a
specific ad.
Viewing secondary images in ads requires a degree of reflection. Our natural
inclinations and a lifetime of experience lead us to recognize things
for what they are. To be more accurate, as the example discussed in the answer to Question 10 indicates, we recognise them for what
we expect them to be. Aberrations in ads are often
overlooked, especially when they are carefully disguised, as is usually the case with secondary images.
The example in Question 10, although easy to perceive, was disguised: by using a unifying colour for most of the ad the normal cues to judgement disappeared. The meaning of the ambiguous element would have
been more readily apparent if it had been in natural colour; variations
in skin tone and hair colouring would have made it evident that the arm belonged to that of a man and not a woman.
To break free from the 'mould' of experience and ones preconceptions one needs to
practice using ads where the different elements have been identified.
One can then progress to testing out other likely sources of secondary images in
ads. To produce a high 'hit rate' of successes the author would suggest you start with old tobacco ads from the 1990's. But certain problems need to be
allowed for.
One should beware of projecting ideas onto the images that
you are looking at. Projection
is most likely to occur if 'pump priming' had occurred i.e. suggestions have previously been offered as to what is
likely to be perceived. Just as water can be used to prime a pump so suggestions
can be used to prime judgements. Some suggestions
to help avoid being influenced and 'seeing' secondary images
everywhere are noted in psychndx.htm
See also the entries under Projection
and Pareidolia in the glossary.


12. Are there any books on the subject
of secondary images in 'subliminal' advertising?
The Bibliography includes a complete
list of all the books pertinent to the subject of what is known as
subliminal advertising. However there are no entries on the
subject of secondary images in advertising. The few existing books focussing
on 'subliminal' advertising consider both audio
and embedded imagery.
The reason for these shortcomings
are as follows.
For many years, the literature on 'subliminal' advertising
focused on all forms of difficult to perceive communications as if
they all shared the same characteristics. As a result a useful and
meaningful terminology, capable of distinguishing between different
types of subliminal and difficult to perceive (embedded and secondary) communications, was never
developed. The resulting generalised terminology led to
the topic of secondary imagery in advertising being erroneously included
under the general rubric of subliminal advertising. Truly
subliminal advertising i.e. advertising that cannot be detected, may
exist. However, it is noticeable that all of the illustrations offered
in all of the books devoted to the so-called field of subliminal advertising
can be perceived by the majority of individuals with normal vision when their attention is directed towards the embedded material.
As the controversial elements within these ads can be perceived, the
ads cannot be truly subliminal. They can only be considered
to be 'subliminal' but a more appropriate term that will distinguish them from subliminal communications would be embedded secondary images.
To use inappropariate terminology defeats the interests
of organisations and individuals interested in protecting the rights
of consumers. The use of erroneous terminology also plays into the
hands of unethical businesses. These businesses currently enjoy the
freedom to make use of secondary imagery in advertising because critical
attention is deflected towards the (possibly non-existent) arena of
subliminal advertising. By encouraging their critics to label
all ads that contain secondary images as
examples of subliminal advertising lets ads agencies and their client companies 'off the hook'.
The ad agencies can then justly - but disingenuously - claim
they are not using subliminal advertising.
See the AAAA
ads and the author's correspondence with the AAAA, IPA and ASA
for perfect examples of how advertising professionals or their creative
artists con the consumer into believing 'black is white'. The views
of the Advertising Standards Authority and Institute of Practitioners
in Advertising from the UK and theAmerican Association of Advertising
Agencies can be found on ASA.htm , IPA.htm
and Classkey.htm and AAAA.htm
respectively.


13. What is manipulative advertising?
All subliminal advertising (if it exists) and advertising containing embedded or secondary imagery
can be considered manipulative. In each case some elements of an ad is designed to influence consumers without consumers having the possibility
of rejecting whatever information is conveyed by the manipulative element; it is, after all, rather difficult
to consciously appraise an ad if it contains emotive images and messages
that one cannot consciously perceive. However, although all ads containing secondary images
(and subliminal ads if they exist) are manipulative, all manipulative
ads do not contain secondary images. Most manipulative ads contain forms of communications that can be consciously perceived but the meaning(s) conveyed by the advert are less easy to identify.
First, lets consider how it is possible to manipulate consumers
values, beliefs, ideas and behaviour using images and messages that
are clearly visible. For example, visualize a two page
magazine ad containing the well known phrase Come to Marlboro Country.
This would normally be spread across a two page ad alongside an illustration
of a pack of Marlboro cigarettes. If a reader perceived
only the initial letters of Come, and the last few of Country, then
they would be 'forced' to respond to another message (Come'n'try
Marlboro) for the brief period when only the left half of the left
page and the right
half of the right page were visible. This 'message' would be processed
but quickly 'overridden' and never come consciously to the attention of the viewer as the full Marlboro slogan came into focus.
Psychological experiments indicate that what occurs
in such a situation is equivalent to the process that psychologists
call backwards masking. In backward masking a second message
obliterates conscious recall of an earlier message.
Most importantly, if one is to gain an understanding of how some manipulative advertising works, one has to appreciate that the
first message, despite not being remembered, still has an impact on viewers.
The information in the first message was processed and, even though
it cannot be recalled, it can
still influence behaviour such as speech and the completion of word
tests. This is so even when the viewer claims never to have seen the
first message.
It seems possible that Philip Morris' ad agency attempted the same form of 'brainwashing' with some of their ads: presentation of a message 'embedded' within another message, with the first message calculated to influence judgements but quickly over-ridden by a second message.
Other manipulative ads can pull 'emotional strings'
and influence thinking by presenting images that are also clearly visible and seem to have a clear
cut meaning. However, inherent in such ads are often images that provide
additional meanings to viewers. These additional meanings are not normally related to the product; and they are never made explicit.

In some cases e.g. one series of Benson and Hedges adverts, the covert and
manipulative message was about inadequacy in the face of
something bigger, more powerful and more important.
What was presented
as big and important was, quite naturally, from the tobacco company's
point of view, Benson and Hedges cigarettes. Those who were deemed
unimportant, demeaned, confused and demoralised, and those whose thoughts
and feelings could cynically be manipulated, were Benson and Hedges
smokers.
Many smokers (and potential smokers) 'know' they cannot
defeat their habit, nor cope with adversity, and these ideas are bolstered
by the B&H advertising. Viewers may also like to reflect upon
the connotations associated with a more recent B&H campaign focussing
on the colour yellow. As the additional meanings associated with such imagery are only implied it is unlikely that negative attributions will be associated consciously with the product advertised; viewers are being manipulated but do not realise it.
For additional examples see the Nescafe and Phoenix
ads on the Ads
of the Month page. Each ad presents a secondary, covert, meaning
related to sexuality in addition to any other meaning.
For a more specific classification of different 'types' of manipulative
advertising see either the TopSecret
Page or the Rating Page.


14. What is the difference between
manipulative advertising and semi-subliminal advertising?
Essentially the only real difference between 'subliminal'
advertising and manipulative advertising is one of degree. 'Subliminal'
advertising clearly involves messages and images that are either faint
or small and difficult to detect. Manipulative advertising can, as indicated above, involve
images and language that are clearly visible, yet the messages they convey are not made explicit. If they were they would be found to be unacceptable. In
both cases, however, the intention is to manipulate thoughts, ideas,
values or behaviour. There is no intention to lead to informed discussion,
to persuade or even to be controversial.


15. Is the use of secondary images in advertising unethical?
The author holds the view that such advertising is clearly unethical.
A statement to this effect was also made on behalf
of the American Association of Advertising Agencies in 1981. Such
advertising intends to deny the consumer the right of conscious appraisal.
However such ads do not breach any specific guideline agreed by the Advertising
Standards Association in the United Kingdom but it seems clear to the author they nevertheless breach
the spirit of these guidelines.
The ASA
and AAAA pages indicate how little attention such organisations are willing
to pay to ethical principles when their 'bread and butter' is provided
by commercial concerns whose sole interest is their profit margin.
The actions of companies such as Philip Morris/Altria, R.J.Reynolds-Nabisco
and British American Tobacco have, over the years, shown their disdain
for ethical practices where the consumer is concerned.
There is little likelihood that these organisations. and commercial
concerns will change their ways unless members of the public insist
that consumers be treated as responsible individuals, preferring to
make their own judgements as to the worth of products or services.
Write or e-mail the ASA, AAAA, IPA and other organizations and the
commercial concerns they represent if you feel concerned about the
long term effects of manipulative advertising and the ethical standards
associated with them. Write or e-mail your political representatives,
contact the organisations listed on the links page, decide to boycott
the purchase of all goods produced or promoted by such organizations.
Above all, find out more about such practices and help put a stop
to them before they become a standard aspect of advertising. At present,
manipulative advertising seems to simply represent poor ethical standards
and lack of consideration for members of the public. In future, with
the development of new technologies, it may become more effective,
more manipulative and more difficult to detect. There may also be a slippage into party political broadcasts if the techniques become more sophisticated and difficult to detect.
For
more information about business ethics click here.


16. What is product placement?
Product placements is often assumed to be a form
of subliminal presentation. It is not, given the definition used on
this web site, nor is it even a form of 'subliminal' presentation. Product placement is actually a specific practice that
may be considered manipulative but it is not in any sense of the term subliminal.
In product placement, products or brands are displayed
in appropriate or inappropriate contexts on TV shows,
in films. Brand names are used in preference to generic names
in novels, etc. For an example of inappropriate context and use one
need look no further than the extremely generous backing of Hollywood
movie makers by tobacco companies. For a number of years, movie
fans were confronted with a grossly disproportionate number of tobacco
packs, cigarette smokers and advertising billboards on their screens.
These presented impressionable adolescents with a false idea of the
prevalence and social acceptability of smoking. And the widespread
smoking by female movie idols may be a contributory factor in the
increase in smoking among young women in recent years as smoking in young men declined. Such movies
are now having reruns on TV. Tobacco company executives are undoubtedly
gleefully look forward to securing another cohort of impressionable
youngsters as smokers of their products, thanks to the insatiable
need of TV companies to rerun movies, almost regardless of their social
impact.
The cigarette products used in these movies generally
serve no useful part in the storyline. But their use by key characters,
often the hero or heroine, ensures that potential and actual smokers
become aware of smoking as a seemingly risk free, socially acceptable,
habit. Non-smokers, of course, are also intended to be influenced
by the 'socially acceptable' face of smoking.
One wonders how many of the actors who become smokers
to obtain their parts in these movies will die of cancer. And, in
doing so, follow the long line of Hollywood actors and actresses who
succumbed to cancer long before it was known that smoking kills. One
anti smoking site provides a lengthy list of idols who smoked on screen
and died prematurely because of their smoking out of the limelight.
As with many of the ads discussed on this web site,
product and brand placement, whether for cigarettes, cars or any other
product, generally requires that a limited degree of attention is
paid to the placement of the product or brand but not necessarily sufficient to bring the product to conscious attention. In addition, for adults,
it is relatively easy to detect the use of products or references to brands, once one is
aware of the technique.
Where children are concerned, such knowledge
may not exist. Even if children had such knowledge it may not provide
much of a defence against the type of information presented in movies and their long term impact on preferences.
Associations between products, characters and behaviour are most likely
to be assimilated in an unquestioning manner, as young children are
not as sophisticated as adults in dealing with the machinations of
corporate advertising.

17. What is the difference between
seeing and perception?
'What you see isn't necessarily what you get' is a good way of
summing up the difference between seeing and perception. The eye sees
because it responds to varying light input. However, what we perceive
is a combination of the sensory input into the eye and what we already
know or expect. Anyone who has changed from wearing spectacles with
ordinary lenses to those with varifocal lenses is aware of this interaction.
With the change of sensory input brought about by varifocal lenses
the user has, to a certain extent, to relearn to see things 'properly'.
More extreme cases are evident when individuals who have been blind
have their sight restored. They often find it very difficult to 'see'
because they have not learned how to interpret visual input. In extreme
cases they are so distressed by the difficulties inherent in 'making sense' of
what they are 'seeing' they wish they were blind once again.
Because perception is not the same as seeing, we can therefore
see an incomplete figure, yet perceive it as complete. We can see
a visual illusion that is ambiguous, yet make sense of it. In
the context of secondary imagery in ads this distinction is very important.
Perceptional processes give viewers, automatically, the ability to make sense of the
nonsensical, to attend to some aspects of an ad and ignore others.
It is rare, nowadays, for a secondary image to present a clearly
identifiable figure or message. Even when one has masturbating images
such as detected in a Camel ad,
the masturbating figure is small and the action is blurred. Only a
knowledge of human behaviour and language, together with an appreciation
of Camel
ads, and the way in which artists can represent actions in symbolic
ways, leads one to conclude this image is intended to represent masturbation.
However, one has to note that this is an interpretation. When viewing an ad one is
not observing behaviour. As with illusions, different interpretations
of exactly the same image or visual stimuli can be made by different
individuals because of their different experiences and expectations.
The ads and works of art illustrated on the Beginnings
pages illustrate this notion quite well. In some instances viewers
will agree with the author, in others they will be uncertain or even
find no indication whatsoever of the phenomenon that are discussed.


18. What is the academic definition
of subliminal perception?
Rather than give my own views on the subject of subliminal perception,
click
here to view an article in the Encyclopedia of Psychology by Professor
Philip Merikle, University of Waterloo, Canada. Various pages associated
with a course presented at the University of Austion contain information
on this topic and other related subject matter.


19. How effective are secondary images in 'subliminal' advertising?
The question of effectiveness has never been accurately
answered. Most authors simply extrapolate from academic studies in
the field of subliminal perception (see experts.htm).
Very few articles consider 'subliminal' advertising and fewer still the use of embedded imagery. One of the few
summaries of the limited number of studies in this field has been
produced by Ji-Young
Hong at the University of Texas at Austin. Whilst Hong's article
summarises the literature extremely well it actually pays little attention
to the type of ads presented on the subliminal world web site and
presents the standard conclusion ie such advertising is ineffective.
The best one can currently do in the absence of
studies investigating advertising is extrapolate from research
into subliminal perception and more general studies of advertising.
The disputes regarding the nature of stimuli used in studies of subliminal communications and the conclusions drawn from studies into subliminal
perception, together with an awareness of the range and power of the companies
using secondary imagery in their ads, leads the author to a sceptical conclusion
concerning the generally held view about the effectiveness of subliminal advertising i.e. it is ineffective. Note that is is difficult to distinguish whether published references to subliminal advertising refer to truly subliminal forms of communication or to to the type of advertising that relies upon secondary imagery. If the former then they should not be generalised to the use of secondary imagery without further investigation. If the latter, this seems inappropriate given that studies where stimuli were deemed to be above the perceptual threshold could also change the judgements of participants. Generally, it is reported that no change in behaviour occurred.
Advertising generally does not have instant effects
on behaviour, it has its effect over a period of time. Subliminal
perception studies likewise do not indicate any instant behavioural
response. However, studies in subliminal perception do indicate that
judgements can be influenced by stimuli that cannot be consciously
perceived.
This leads to a curious inverted argument; subliminal advertising will not influence viewers
It seems reasonable to extrapolate from academic studies to the use
of secondary imagery in adverts. Yet, it is commonly argued that subliminal advertising would not influence viewers. After all, why should such information be influential
in one context and not in another?
One must, however, acknowledge that the use of subliminal communications in laboratory studies and the use of secondary images in advertising are different. Ads contain lots of information
in addition to any secondary image/message. It is argued, though there
is no published evidence indicating that this is so, that the additional information
contained in any normal ad will 'wash out' the impact of any secondary
imagery contained within the boundaries of the ad (or TV commercial).
Additionally, the stimuli used in subliminal perception studies are
generally limited to simple images or messages. Such communications
are thus very simplistic when compared to the complex images presented
in ads.
However, when considering effectiveness ie the
ability of secondary images to influence viewers, one can presume
that ad agencies who use the technique consistently have evaluated
their use - and found them commercially effective. However, given
the lack of public acknowledgement of such use (see the authors correspondence
with the AAAA and the ASA)
one must be cautious in making such assumptions. Even when secondary images are used regularly by ad agencies and artists they may simply
be operating on the basis of limited understanding or trying to 'pull
the wool' over their clients' eyes.
Despite these cautionary notes, some studies by
the author and a colleague support the notion that advertising containing
secondary images has a similar impact on viewers as does sublimimal
stimuli. That is to say, the 'subliminal' elements of ads do influence
judgements. Additionally, in less well controlled studies and classroom
observations it seems clear that the complexity of ads does not prevent
the secondary content from similarly influencing judgements. See the
page subexpt.htm for further information
and webbmp2.htm for copies of the experimental
images.
Whilst the effect of the embedded elements in ads on judgements
is weak, one must not forget that the impact of most advertising is
also relatively weak - only sales and special offers tend to have
consumers beating a path to the door of retailers. Most everyday consumer
items are advertised to keep the product 'in the mind' of consumers,
rather than have any radical impact on immediate consumption behaviour.
Only sales figures, in general, indicate whether or not advertising
campaigns have been effective.
So, in this respect, there is only a difference
in degree between the impact of standard, overt, advertising and the
covert aspects of advertising involving secondary or 'subliminal'
images. In both instances, information can be acquired by 'osmosis'
rather than by conscious consideration of advertising or promotional
activities. It thus seems, despite the protestations of the advertising
community to the contrary, secondary images are likely to influence viewers
on the same basis as conventional advertising, though achieving
less of an impact ie influencing fewer people.
Where secondary images may be most effective is
in swaying the undecided customer, in triggering emotional reactions,
and making a small but perhaps important difference when a large number of individuals are exposed
to a message. Take as an example the RATS
commercial used in the Bush Presidential campaign. This was
deemed to be ineffective - because it was easily noticed. Had this
been pitched at a much lower level of intensity it may have helped
'nudge' some undecided voters into the Bush camp. And one might also
note in passing that such an ad may have also have had some impact
on those individuals with little preference for either party who were
watching TV at the time but were not 'paying attention'. In other
words, the information content may have been processed without any
conscious attention by some viewers who were not focussing on TV but
nevertheless 'saw' the image on screen.
TV commercials with related properties, some containing embedded images, others containing covert messages favouring one party rather
than the other, were seemingly produced in the UK during the period of the 1992
UK General Election. In retrospect, some of these commercials were noted at the time
by the author as being biased but their potential importance was overlooked
until he was reminded of their existance by Philip Brachi when he presented
an illustrated talk on the subject of The Compliant Society.


20.
Where does product placement fit into discussions of 'subliminal' advertising?
In line with the broad and woolly definition
of subliminal advertising noted in Question 1, many
commentators consider product placement a form of subliminal presentation.
This position is held simply because the products tend to go unnoticed
when they are presented on TV or move screens. However, simply focusing
attention on the relevant aspect of the programme indicates that the
products are very far from being presented in a subliminal manner
if one applies the more rigorous definition used by psychologists.
Product placement generally leads
to the presentation or use of products in films or TV programmes.
The products are not disguised in any way, nor are they intended to
be completely overlooked. However, as the products are presented as part of the fantasy world that is being observed
- any information relating to them may be processed unconsciously.
The unconscious processing of information that can be readily perceived, even if unattended to, should not be considered
the equivalent of processing subliminally presented information or information related to secondary imagery. In each case some
information may be internalised. However, whilst the psychological processes may be the same in both instances, the external
stimuli are different. To equate them would be equivalent to saying
that food and oxygen are the same because they are both necessary
for life; it pays to differentiate topics when they need to be dealt with in different ways.
Product placement leads to some rather
insidious practices. A particularly obnoxious practice is having lead
actors or actresses in movies smoke, when smoking is neither necessary
nor appropriate for the character or storyline. In such instances,
although the term subliminal message might be used, it is actually
the promotion of an association between what is deemed glamorous or
desirable and cigarettes that is important. It is best to think of this process as associative
conditioning, in which one item (cigarettes) is consistently paired
with another (glamorous movie stars or aspects of behaviour deemed
desirable to disaffected youngsters or those attempting to develop
an independent personality e.g. rebellion against society, family).
The glamour of the movies 'rubs off' onto the mundane tobacco product
and these become an unjustified 'cool' product for impressionable
youngsters. Tobacco companies have often placed their products in
movies and paid for stars to promote their products without acknowledging
their involvement.
Numerous academic, magazine and newspaper
articles have discussed this topic and part of an article containing
some relevant academic references can be found by clicking
here. To obtain your own evidence you only need to consider the
extent to which you see smoking depicted in repeat movies on any TV
channel. Smoking is now a minority habit in many countries but it is not a minority habit with lead characters in films. At times, it
seemingly is close to the norm. The prevalence of smoking in movies is not the only
gross distortion of reality relating to smoking: films - like adverts and TV commercials in those countries where these are still legal -
present smoking as if it were non-addictive, problem free, socially
desirable, even healthy. So much for socially responsible behaviour
on the part of tobacco companies and their shareholders.

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